Brief: Role Transitions: A Review of the Literature

The NCOFF Brief Series summarizes literature reviews that were presented during the Fathers and Families Roundtable Series. This series brought together researchers, practitioners, and policymakers to examine issues surrounding the NCOFF Core Learnings, or findings thought to be essential in working with fathers. This brief describes the Role Transitions literature review, which was written by Will Jordan of Johns Hopkins University. NCOFF receives core funding from the Annie E. Casey Foundation, with special project funding from the Ford and the Charles Stewart Mott Foundations.

Key Findings

• It is important to take into account the father's social environment when examining the transition to fatherhood. Social environment is composed of a small social system (e.g., the family or dyadic social group) which exists within a larger social network (e.g., extended families, acquaintances, and communities).

   

• Men typically respond enthusiastically to the news of their partners' pregnancy. However, they experience fear and anxiety as they realize the new demands that will be placed upon them. A successful transition to fatherhood is characterized by a coming to terms with one's loss of freedom and an acceptance of new responsibilities.

   

• Adolescent pregnancy can limit adolescents' educational and career potential and interfere with their social and personal development. The severity of the long-term effects of adolescent pregnancy on the young family differs greatly from family to family, however.

   

• It is difficult to predict which adolescent males will become fathers during their teenage years because engaging in sexual behavior that risks pregnancy is common among adolescent males, including those who do not become teen fathers.

   

• When a teenager becomes a father, marrying his child's mother increases the chances that additional pregnancies will occur; as a result, educational attainment and employment earnings suffer, and marital conflict and dissatisfaction are probable.

   

• Research on the transition to fatherhood is fraught with methodological problems, such as the tendency to base empirical research on "sexist" theoretical assumptions which bias recruitment and interpretation practices. Another problem has been the difficulties associated with recruiting representative samples of fathers to participate in research studies.

  Recommendation for Research

   

• Researchers should make a special effort to improve recruitment for studies, as most of the research cited in this review was based on nonrandom convenience samples. More systematic, longitudinal research at the national level should be conducted.

  Recommendations for Practice and Policy

   

• Social policy and intervention programs for new and expectant fathers should be designed to focus on the family as a social unit as well as on the individual father.

   

• Adolescent fathers should be offered second-chance programs, providing various kinds of social interventions such as career training, job placement, and parenting education.

  Role Transitions: A Review of the Literature

  This review discusses the literature examining critical issues pertaining to men's transition to fatherhood. The review has two main parts: (1) a review and analysis of the literature on the transition to fatherhood and (2) a discussion of the implications of this literature for research and practice. The research literature on fathers emerges from several disciplines including sociology, psychology, social work, and public health. The disciplines overlap and intersect as researchers strive to make sense of the experiences of fatherhood. Sociologists focus on how the structure of the couple relationship is transformed with the addition of a new member and examine the redefinition of roles and values which takes place during the transition to fatherhood. Psychologists, public health researchers, and social workers have investigated the developmental aspects of the transition to fatherhood (Barnhill et al., 1977; Wente and Crockenberg, 1976) as well as the impact of pregnancy and childbirth on fathers' emotional well-being and mental health (e.g. Klein, 1985). Feminist theory contributes to the search for progressive ways of conceptualizing fatherhood through its critique of traditional values and antiquated perspectives affecting women (see Jacobs, 1994).

  The author of the review begins by introducing the four themes that frame his discussion on the transition to fatherhood: (1) stability and change in the transition to parenthood, (2) the consequences of father involvement, (3) the impact of the transition to fatherhood itself, and (4) the special case of the adolescent transition to fatherhood. Before examining the results of the literature, the author discusses some of the methodological shortcomings found in the research. Much of the research on fatherhood has been affected by three methodological problems: (1) the lack of representative samples of fathers, (2) the lack of control groups, and (3) the lack of ethnic/racial diversity among study participants.

  References:

  Barnhill et al., 1977; Jacobs, 1994; Klein, 1985; Wente and Crockenberg, 1976.

  Stability and Change in the Transition to Parenthood: Some Normal Stressors

  The preponderance of the research suggests that the initial transition to parenthood produces psychological stress for both mothers and fathers and can have a negative impact on marital quality, augmenting conflict and change (e.g., Cowan et al., 1985; Goldberg et al., 1985). The length of time marriages remain in decline depends on the nature of the relationship prior to the arrival of the child. The author of the review suggests that it is not the child, nor change per se, that is responsible for martial conflict but rather the increased gender differentiation that is associated with the arrival of a child. Traditional gender differentiation frequently leaves mothers less satisfied in their marriages during the initial transition to parenthood because they typically bear the responsibility of being caretakers, whereas fathers are permitted simply to be their children's playmates. This implies that greater paternal involvement leads to better marital adjustment for fathers and mothers.

  References:>

  Cowan et al., 1985; Goldberg et al., 1985.

  The Consequences of Father Involvement: Addressing Gaps in the Literature

  In this section, the author examines reasons for the lack of research on fathers' involvement in child development. The author attributes this lack of attention to "sexist" assumptions guiding research, including a belief that fathers are more difficult to recruit than mothers. Drawing on the work of Phares (1992), he describes how mother-only research is primarily conducted because of the false assumption that certain topics are relevant only to women. Not only have these assumptions left gaps in family research but they also may be responsible for the trend of blaming mothers for children's developmental problems.

  References:

  Phares, 1992.

  The Transition to Fatherhood

  Much of the research on the transition to fatherhood has been conducted on married adult males or those in relationships that simulate marriage, and the primary focus has been fathers' adjustment to their partners' first pregnancies and childbirth (Barnhill et al., 1979; Bozett, 1985). According to Osofsky and Culp (1989), several aspects of adjustment to the transition to parenthood are common to both mothers and fathers, such as anxiety, feelings of being overwhelmed, and emotional upheaval. They further maintain that significant maturation can occur in the male as well as the female as they experience their first pregnancy and childbirth. However, only fathers report feeling distant from the baby. Because mothers have traditionally taken a leadership role in feeding, cleaning, and clothing the newborn, fathers perceive early on that theirs is an ancillary role in childrearing (Barnhill et al., 1979). Osofsky and Culp contend that these feelings of alienation are normative and dissipate over time, as the competence and maturity level of the father increases.

  Men are usually excited and proud to learn that their wives or partners are pregnant (Osofsky and Culp, 1989). At the same time, approaching fatherhood can trigger severe depression, loss of appetite, insomnia, and delusions of illness among expectant fathers. Coley and James (1976) argue that these feelings among expectant fathers are connected in part to the fear of impending financial and emotional responsibilities. Other common stressors include the perceived overall increase in family responsibilities, sexual conflict with partners, unresolved attitudes concerning their own parents, and the possibility of cementing dysfunctional relationships. These concerns increase fathers' anxiety and fears and can lead to marital dissatisfaction (Coley and James, 1976). To understand the impact of the transition to fatherhood on a father, it is necessary also to understand the nature of the couple's relationship prior to having a child together, as well as the social and psychological conditions in which they currently live.

  Osofsky and Culp (1989) and Barnhill et al. (1979) argue that a series of developmental tasks must be accomplished for a successful transition to fatherhood. Both conceptions of a successful transition to fatherhood entail a period of mourning the impending loss of freedom, being supportive of the pregnant partner, and accepting the new family arrangement. As a child grows older, new concerns and adjustments for the father emerge. Further, the father's progression through the developmental stages of adulthood often does not coincide neatly with the developmental stages of his children (Bozett, 1985). For instance, middle-aged fathers undergoing a redefinition of their lives (reflecting on their accomplishments, careers, families, and futures) might have adolescent children who are progressing through their own tumultuous identity crises, grappling with issues of educational performance, sexuality, and social acceptance. This can lead to father-child conflict because both father and child are experiencing their own forms of identity crisis and role redefinition at the same time.

  Although the transition to fatherhood represents a normal progression on the path to adulthood, some researchers maintain that this progression can suffer from the lack of preparation men receive for the father role (Barnhill et al., 1979; Klein, 1985; Wente and Crockenberg, 1976). They argue that the socialization of young boys and adolescent males often does not extend beyond teaching instrumental paternal responsibilities to include basic parenting knowledge and skills that would prepare them for involved parenthood. Because men seldom receive formal training on how to be an effective father, they either mimic adult role models they had as children (for example, their own fathers), learn by doing, or diminish their involvement with the child. In order to prepare men for fatherhood, and ease the stress of their transition, some researchers and family planning practitioners advocate group therapy, prepared childbirth classes, and similar forms of support services (Barnhill et al., 1979; Klein, 1985; Wente and Crockenberg, 1976). The review author notes, however, that there is no consensus within the research community on whether father training programs significantly ease the transition to fatherhood.

  References:

  Barnhill et al., 1979; Bozett, 1985; Coley and James, 1976; Klein, 1985; Osofsky and Culp, 1989; Wente and Crockenberg, 1976.

  Transition to Fatherhood Among Adolescents

  The transition to fatherhood for adolescents can be viewed as part of their broader transition to adulthood. Becoming a parent during the teenage years is commonly perceived as an early role transition in that the steps of the normal procession through the life cycle have been taken out of sequence. Because society is biased toward the "normal family cycle," which assumes that marriage will precede parenthood (Russell, 1980) and secondary school completion will precede marriage, adolescent parents deviate from prevailing ideas about the order in which one ought to move through life's major social roles.

  The research literature points to several possible reasons why some adolescents may accelerate the transition to parenthood. (This work tends to focus on the motivations of teenage girls.) Some researchers maintain that teenagers engage in sexual activity to achieve independence from their parents or to experiment with new adult roles, failing to take into account the many risks involved. In fact, recent research has revealed that not all pregnancies occurring during adolescence are unplanned (Jacobs, 1994).

  The consequences of an adolescent pregnancy can be severe. Adolescent parents often lower their educational and career aspirations and put their own personal and social development and economic self-sufficiency on hold indefinitely. On the other hand, there is some evidence that unscheduled pregnancy and teen parenthood may not necessarily doom one to a life of destitution, despair, and disappointment (Furstenberg et al., 1987). Some teen parents are able to adjust well to their early transition by reorganizing their lives and making progress toward their personal goals. The adolescent mother's ability to resume her educational career and create a healthy, long-standing relationship with the baby's father increases the likelihood that she will get back onto the developmental path toward adulthood. At the same time, many researchers argue that teen mothers should not marry, as marriage has been found to increase the chances of having additional pregnancies.

  For adolescent parents, families of origin are key influences on the transition to parenthood, and their influence can ease or complicate the transition. In addition, cultural expectations about adolescent parenting can also influence teenagers' behavior and experiences. Although there is not a great deal of empirical research showing the degree to which the behavior and consequences of being an adolescent parent differ across racial/ethnic and cultural groups, some researchers maintain that the cultural differences in the way families are oriented have implications for differences in rates of adolescent childbearing (see Dore and Dumois, 1990). For instance, African American families, especially those in poverty, tend to have more fluid boundaries than White families and thus may be more able to accommodate a new and unexpected child. Despite some cultural differences in ideas about the appropriate time to become a parent, there is some consistency across cultures that the teenage years are a less than ideal time to bear children.

  While the transition to fatherhood can be stressful at any age (Osofsky and Culp, 1989), fathering in the adolescent years produces added difficulties because, like adolescent girls, adolescent boys are already in a volatile stage of life (Robinson, 1988). Adolescent fathers are often ill-equipped to assume new financial and caregiving roles and responsibilities as they progress from childhood to adulthood. There is clear research evidence that males who father children as teenagers are less likely than those who do not become fathers to complete high school, and this finding appears to be consistent across all racial/ethnic groups (Marsiglio, 1986). In addition, lower educational attainment levels among teenage fathers often translate into less desirable jobs and lower earnings as adults, and overall higher unemployment rates.

  The public image of adolescent fathers is dominated by stereotypes of self-centered, uncaring teens primarily motivated by conquering young females and fulfilling their own sexual gratification. There is, however, some evidence that refutes this perception of adolescent fathers. In fact, according to Robinson (1988), there are few attitudinal and behavioral differences between males who will become adolescent fathers and those who will not. Belsky and Miller (1986) found that adolescent fathers are more likely to be employed with a disposable income than their age-mates, but often because of differences in education and training, their age-mates eventually catch up and surpass them in earnings. According to Robinson, adolescent fathers and their childless peers differ very little in terms of attitudes, sexual knowledge, and behavior. They are also similar on a variety of psychological variables such as locus of control, self-image, intellectual functioning, frequency of sexual intercourse, and knowledge of contraception. It is also important to note that many of the children born to adolescent mothers are fathered by men who are not themselves adolescents (Sonenstein, 1986). It was recently documented that only about one third of the children of adolescent mothers are fathered by adolescent males, while the remaining two thirds of the fathers are adult men over age 20 (National Center for Health Statistics, 1990).

  Robinson (1988) suggests that after the initial shock of the announcement of pregnancy wears off, one of the greatest stressors for adolescent fathers is being left out of decisions about the baby, primarily by the mother and her parents. Since adolescent fathers are very likely to live apart from their baby's mother, they often feel alienated, inconsequential, and unable to become meaningfully involved in their children's lives, especially in the early years. Adolescent mothers and their families of origin often serve as gatekeepers for father involvement (Belsky and Miller, 1986). For some adolescent fathers, later participation in the lives of their children becomes complicated when their children's mothers have had multiple children fathered by other men. These relationships are sometimes strained as a result of role confusion, logistics, emotional conflict, and overlapping interests of both the adolescents and their families of origin. Of course, the greater the number of children involved, the greater the likelihood of conflict, confusion, and maladaptation.

  In general, adolescent males who were psychologically committed to their female partner prior to pregnancy want to be involved at some level in childrearing, while uncommitted, promiscuous fathers may have little interest in parenting or establishing relationships with their children (Belsky and Miller, 1986). In any event, the more active the adolescent father is in early decisionmaking, the more involved he will be in the pregnancy and beyond (Robinson, 1988). Some evidence suggests that targeted intervention might be a viable option for adolescent males to ease their transition to fatherhood.

  References:

  Belsky and Miller, 1986; Dore and Dumois, 1990; Furstenberg et al., 1987; Jacobs, 1994; Marsiglio, 1986; National Center for Health Statistics, 1990; Osofsky and Culp, 1989; Robinson, 1988; Russell, 1980; Sonenstein, 1986.

   

  References

  Barnhill, L., Rubenstein, G., & Rocklin N. (1979). From generation to generation: Fathers to be in transition. The Family Coordinator, 28, 229-235.

  Belsky, J. & Miller, B. C. (1986). Adolescent fatherhood in the context of the transition to parenthood. In A.B. Elster & M.E. Lamb (Eds.), Adolescent fatherhood, (pp. 107-122). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

  Bozett, F. W. (1985). Male development and fathering throughout the life cycle. American Behavioral Scientist, 29, 41-54.

  Coley, S. B. & James, B. E. (October 1976). Delivery: A trauma for fathers. The Family Coordinator, 359-363.

  Cowan, C. P., Cowan, P. A., Heming, G., Garrett, E., Coyish, W. S., Curtis-Boles, H., & Boles, A. J. (1985). Transition to parenthood: His, hers, and theirs. Journal of Family Issues, 6, 451-481.

  Dore, M.M. & Dumois, A. O. (1990). Cultural differences in the meaning of adolescent pregnancy. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services, 71, 93-101.

  Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Morgan, S. P., & Allison, P. D. (1987). Paternal participation and children's well-being. American Sociological Review, 52, 695-701.

  Goldberg, W. A., Michaels, G. Y., & Lamb, M. E. (1985). Husbands' and wives' adjustment to pregnancy and first parenthood. Journal of Family Issues, 6, 483-503.

  Jacobs, J. L. (1994). Gender, race, class, and the trend toward early motherhood: A feminist analysis of teen mothers in contemporary society. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22, 442-462.

  Klein, B. (1985). Fathering: The first time. Social Work, 30, 264-267.

  Marsiglio, W. (1986). Teenage fatherhood: High school completion and educational attainment. In A. B. Elster & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Adolescent fatherhood, (pp. 67-87). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

  National Center for Health Statistics (1990). Condition of Education, Volume 1. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

  Osofsky, H. J. & Culp, R. E. (1989). Risk factors in the transition to fatherhood. In S. H. Cath, A. Gurwitt, & L. Gunsberg (Eds.), Fathers and their families, (pp. 145-165). Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press.

  Phares, V. (1992). Where's poppa? American Psychologist, 47, 656-664.

  Robinson, B. (1988). Psychological adjustment of teenage fathers. In B. Robinson (Ed.), Teenage fathers, (pp. 53-69). Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

  Russell, C. S. (1980). Unscheduled parenthood: Transition to the 'parent' for the teenager. Journal of Social Issues, 365, 45-63.

  Sonenstein, F. L. (1986). Risking paternity: Sex and contraception among adolescent males. In A.B. Elster & M.E. Lamb (Eds.), Adolescent fatherhood. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

  Wente, A. S. & Crockenberg, S. B. (1976). Transition to fatherhood: Lamaze preparation, adjustment difficulty and the husband-wife relationship. The Family Coordinator, 351-357.